Thursday, September 15, 2016


The Guardian
Paul Mason
September 12, 2016

With xenophobia and regional tensions on the rise, the EU has to get tough with the new Croatian government – all cultural nods and winks towards second world war fascism must go.

Andrej Plenkovic, president of HDZ, waves to his supporters in Zagreb, Croatia on 8 September 2016. Photograph: Antonio Bronic/Reuters

Amid the alleys and ancient churches of Šibenik, Croatia, the late-summer tourists look quizzical as a tough old man harangues a meeting in the public square. “In 1945, people worked for free to build factories, roads, new houses. We wanted to build a better country then,” he says. “Find me five people prepared to do that now.” The speaker is the city’s “last partisan” – a veteran of the anti-Nazi resistance movement. But such idealistic sentiments are not popular in the Croatia of today.

In January, the country’s conservative coalition government appointed as culture minister Zlatko Hasanbegovic, a man described by the Simon Wiesenthal Centre as a “fascist”. He had lionised the country’s pro-Nazi Ustase movement as a student in the 90s and labelled Croatia’s anti-fascist history and culture “an empty phrase” with no constitutional relevance. (Hasanbegovic has since emphasised that his current party is anti-fascist.)

On Sunday [Sept. 11, 2016], Croats went to the polls in a snap election, returning the ruling nationalist party HDZ as the biggest party, but changing nothing. Just 53% of all Croats voted: the likely outcome is a coalition of the same old “centrist” parties – nationalists and social democrats. On the face of it, the country faces the same old problems. Unemployment at 16%, rising to 40% among the young; debt at 90% of GDP; the coast dependent on tourism, the interior sending migrant workers to Germany and Austria by the coachload.

What’s new is the return of nationalism. By 2013, Croatia’s conservative nationalist politicians had made enough liberal noises to convince Brussels they could meet the basic criteria for EU membership. Since then, they’ve been sucked into the surge of nationalist rivalry that’s gripped the Balkans. Just across the mountains lies Republika Srpska – the Serb enclave created in the country of Bosnia and Herzegovina by the Dayton Agreement in 1995, after a bitter civil war. Republika Srpska’s leaders are threatening to hold a referendum on independence, which would blow up the deal that has brought peace to the region for 20 years.

In response, Croatia’s politicians have upped the rhetoric, with the leader of its centre-left party secretly recorded threatening to “act to protect Croats” if the referendum goes ahead, labelling Bosnia a “failed state” and calling the government of Serbia “miserable people”.

If this were just a recrudescence of the Balkan ethnic conflict of the 1990s, it would be bad enough. But it comes on top of years of economic failure, amid growing geopolitical tension, and rising xenophobia in the face of the refugee crisis.

Russian money has poured not just into Serbia but into Republika Srpska, too, together with increased diplomatic influence. Meanwhile, Croatia has joined the EU. As a result, the Balkans today have become a more clearly diplomatic and systemic frontline than they were in 1995, when the wars ended. The assumption that globalisation, economic growth and time would heal the region is looking more uncertain than at any point since the peace deal.

If the Serbs of Bosnia were to go for their independence referendum, and Putin were to back them, the Kremlin would have a new pawn in the same game it is playing with the west in Syria, Ukraine and the Baltic States.

Amid this, the intellectual life of the Balkans has retreated to a set of parallel compartments. There is the globalist left, applauding the partisan veterans in the squares, but insignificant in mainstream politics. There is the far right, whose main achievement in Croatia this year was to erect a statue to a convicted ethnic terrorist from the 1970s.

Many people in their 40s and 50s live a post-traumatic lifestyle: getting on with business, family or early retirement, rarely speaking about what they did, or suffered, but gripped by an innate concern that the conflict might come back.

Meanwhile, young people across the region try to live in a cannabis-softened, networked dreamworld – where electronic dance music or Pokémon Go replace the national and political identities formed 20 years ago.

If Europe wants to make the Balkans work, it needs to understand the limits of its current approach. It has lowered accession standards for countries in east and southeast Europe, in order to bring them into its enlargement project.

Albania got candidate status in 2014. Bosnia submitted its application in February this year. Macedonia, which gained brownie points in Brussels for erecting a fence on the Greek border last year, is so mired in ethnic violence and rampant corruption that EU membership is impossible. Yet there are loud voices calling for its admission.

The region’s politicians, be they corrupt, chauvinist or simply incompetent, know that by ticking a few boxes on an EU checklist they can advance the process of accession with only paper reforms. The fact that many of the region’s progressives, above all the young, yearn for EU membership is one more incentive for Brussels to look the other way.

If the EU is to live up to the hope and trust placed in it by young people in the Balkans, it needs to start by being firm with the incoming Croatian government. All cultural nods and winks towards the fascist regime in the second world war must go. Ultimately, the EU must be prepared – as it has threatened with Poland and Hungary but not done – to trigger the Article 7 processes that can see member countries warned over inadequate rule of law, and ultimately be suspended from membership, or see their voting rights curtailed.

The EU’s leaders lost no time after Brexit in reigniting the common defence and security policy process – what the Daily Mail calls the “European Army”. They are right to do so – for if the Balkans goes wrong again, Croatia as an EU member would have the right to call for support under the mutual defence clause of the Lisbon treaty, and all EU members would have the obligation to support it. But in the short term, what is vital is for western European democracies to engage with the Balkans and promote democratic culture and institutions. It was, ultimately, US diplomacy that imposed the peace of 1995. Today it is squarely the EU’s task to maintain it.


If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at


Serbia to Highlight Croatia Concentration Camp [JASENOVAC] at UN [to mark Holocaust Remembrance Day in 2017] / "Balkan Insight" Aug. 11, 2016

Balkan Insight
Milivoje Pantovic
August 11, 2016
Serbia plans to mark Holocaust Remembrance Day next year [2017] by organising an exhibition at the United Nations about the Jasenovac concentration camp run by Croatia’s WWII Nazi-allied regime.
 Monument at the Jasenovac memorial site.
Photo: Wikimedia Commons/Bern Bartsch.

The Serbian foreign ministry, which is intending to stage the planned ‘Hidden Holocaust’ exhibition at the UN in New York in 2017, told BIRN that it wants to draw attention to the rehabilitation of xenophobic and racist ideologies while commemorating the anniversary of the opening of the WWII Jasenovac camp.

“This project is intended to mobilise the global public to contribute to the preservation of the universal values such as peace, freedom and the protection of human rights,” the ministry’s Department for Migratory Politics, Diaspora and Social Agreements said in a written statement to BIRN.

The move is likely to anger Zagreb, but the Serbian foreign ministry insisted that it was not an anti-Croatian initiative.

“The exhibition about Jasenovac is not a ‘Serbs against Croats’ exhibition,” the ministry said.

But in what appeared to be a swipe at Croatian right-wingers who have downplayed the number of victims of Jasenovac, it argued that it was necessary to remind people about the atrocities of WWII.

“The Allies were victorious in WWII but attempts to revise history are a wake-up call. One exhibition will certainly not change the world and eradicate dark ideologies, but it could certainly raise awareness about the problem,” it said.

The ministry said that visitors to the exhibition will be able to hear recorded testimonies of survivors and the personal possessions of some of the prisoners, as well as publications and posters from the NDH era.

It is also planned that film director Emir Kusturica will contribute to the project, while artists Ljubisa Mancic and Katarina Tripkovic are already making sculptures inspired by the victims’ experiences at Jasenovac.

“They will try to show the pain and suffering of the victims, if it is even possible since the horror at Jasenovac is hardly imaginable,” the ministry said.

After taking power in April 1941, the Nazi-allied wartime Independent State of Croatia, NDH passed laws similar to Nazi legislation, targeting Serbs, Jews and Roma.

On territory controlled by the NDH, encompassing today’s Bosnia and Herzegovina, parts of Serbia and most of Croatia, the fascist Ustasa organisation opened dozen of concentration camps, the biggest of them at Jasenovac.

Serbs, Jews, Roma and Croats who opposed the regime were killed.

The death toll remains disputed; Croatia argues that around 83,000 people died at Jasenovac, but Serbia and the Yad Vashem remembrance centre from Jerusalem claim that 600,000 people perished.

Recently there have been attempts by Croatian nationalists to suggest the death toll was even lower. In April this year, Croatian director Jakov Sedlar made a film called ‘Jasenovac - The Truth’ which claimed there were 20,000 to 40,000 victims.

Controversial Croatian culture minister Zlatko Hasanbegovic attended the premiere of the film and praised it for raising “taboo topics”, sparking a rebuke from the Israeli ambassador to Zagreb.

During the nineties wars in the former Yugoslavia however, there was a tendency in Serbia to inflate the alleged number of the victims at Jasenovac.

According to the foreign ministry, representatives of the Serbian diaspora are working together with Jewish organisations on securing the exhibition space at UN headquarters.

Partners in the project include Yad Vashem, the Andric Institute headed by Kusturica, the University of Belgrade, the Jasenovac Research Institute and a Serb diaspora NGO called 28. Jun, the ministry said.


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CROATIA'S TROUBLED HISTORY / By Efraim Zuroff / "The Jerusalem Post" April 13, 2016

The Jerusalem Post
By Efraim Zuroff
April 13, 2016

Unless the government starts actively and unequivocally fighting against Ustasha nostalgia, and rising neo-fascism and anti-Semitism, it looks like the situation in Croatia will only get worse.

Victims of the Nazi-backed Ustasha regime killed at the end of the World War Two lay on the ground surrounded by posing Ustasha soldiers near the Sava River in Croatia in 1945. (Photo credit: REUTERS)

Most people assume history is exclusively about the past, but in many countries it is also about the present and future. These days, one such country is Croatia, whose troubled history continues to plague its present and threaten its democratic future.

Last week, I wrote about the fascist and anti-Semitic chants yelled by Croatian football (soccer) fans at the recent friendly match against Israel, but recent developments clearly indicate that such incidents are merely the tip of the iceberg.

Earlier this week [April], Croatian army veterans (of the war of the Nineties against Yugoslavia) of the Ninth Division gathered to celebrate their unit’s 25th anniversary, but also to mark the 75th anniversary of the establishment of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) which was governed by the fascist Ustasha movement and pursued genocidal policies against Serbs, Jews and Roma. The veterans’ call to legalize the Ustasha salute of “za dom spremni” (the Croatian equivalent of the Nazis’ “sieg heil”) is an attempt to legitimize the murderous policies of the NDH and whitewash that regime’s crimes.

Another typical initiative, but one which is much more dangerous, is a new documentary movie entitled Jasenovac-Istina (Jasenovac- The Truth), which had its world premiere this past February 28 in Israel, of all places, most probably to help deflect potential criticism of its highly controversial content. Jasenovac, which was established in August 1941, was the largest of the concentration camps created by the Ustasha regime of the NDH in order to rid their country of its minority populations, as well as their Croatian political opponents. The camp, which was run exclusively by the Ustasha, was notorious for the cruelty of the guards and the tortures they invented to increase the suffering of their victims. To this day, the number of those murdered in Jasenovac is a subject of fierce debate between Croats and Serbs, but it is reasonable to assume that at least 80,000 to 100,000 innocent people were murdered or died there of the terrible conditions, which earned the camp its nickname of “the Auschwitz of the Balkans.”

As the concentration camp with the largest number of victims in the former Yugoslavia, Jasenovac became a symbol of Ustasha crimes and cruelty, which explains why it has currently become a target of the neo-fascist Croatian revisionists, as evidenced by this new film by Jakov Sedlar. According to reliable sources in Croatia, the film claims that Jasenovac was actually only a labor/concentration camp, not one at which there was any attempt to commit genocide of any sort, and that the number of Ustasha victims there was less than the number of innocent people murdered by the Yugoslav partisans after the war on the same site. In other words, it was the Communists who set up a “death camp” in Jasenovac, not the Ustasha, a totally unsubstantiated claim without any hard evidence to back it up.

In fact, some of the material presented to support this assertion has already been exposed as a forgery by a local website. As far as the categorization as a death camp, the fact that there was no industrialized murder in Jasenovac during World War II explains why that term indeed does not apply, but the enormous number of Ustasha victims undoubtedly justifies its reputation as one of the worst camps in Europe. In addition, the film accuses former Croatian presidents Mesic and Josipovic, both known for their opposition to fascism and Ustasha nostalgia, as well as several left-wing journalists, of keeping alive the Communist myth of Jasenovac, and covering up the full truth about postwar Communist crimes. Needless to say, recently- appointed Croatian Minister of Culture Zlatko Hasanbegovic, who is well known for his support for right-wing causes, was quick to praise the film.

Given these circumstances, the Serb and Jewish communities, along with the Croatian anti-fascist organizations, have decided to boycott the official government memorial ceremony annually held at Jasenovac on April 22. Instead, the Jewish community announced that it would hold its own memorial ceremony a week earlier on April 15, as a form of protest against the government’s failure to act against the revival of fascism and anti-Semitism in the public sphere.

The only good news in that respect these days was a declaration by both the Croatian president and prime minister (separately) that the Ustasha government was a “criminal regime,” but these pronouncements were apparently only made at the request of the US State Department’s envoy on Holocaust issues, who met with them earlier this week in Zagreb.

In other words, unless the government starts actively and unequivocally fighting against Ustasha nostalgia, and rising neo-fascism and anti-Semitism, it looks like the situation in Croatia will only get worse.

The author is director of the Israel office and Eastern European Affairs of the Simon Wiesenthal Center, and coordinator of SWC Nazi war crimes research worldwide.


If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at


Tuesday, September 13, 2016

A Halyard Mission daughter sends a message of love to her father, WWII War USAF Veteran Curtis "Bud" Diles, on the anniversary of his passing. / Diane Diles Hammond September 10, 2016

Diane Diles Hammond shares a hug with father Staff Sgt. Curtis "Bud" Diles, USAF,
shortly before he passed away in 2014. Photo courtesy of Diane.
"Dad - It’s been 2 years since I’ve heard your voice. The last words I spoke to you as I kissed your forehead and told you good-bye were “I love you, dad. You’ll always be my hero.” You stared in my eyes and squeezed my hand. I think of you every day, dad, and I’d give anything just to hear you say one more time “Hello, Angel.” Oh, how I miss you. Mom grieves more for you with each passing day. She’s getting old and weak and longs to see you again. It breaks our hearts. Today I was talking to my grandkids about their great grandpa. Henry is 7 now. He asked “Why was great grandpa a hero? How did he not get killed when he got shot down in the war?” He listened intently as I told him your story. He had a big smile on his face as I told him we all lived today because of the Serbian Chetniks. You’d be so proud. We have another generation to continue your mission.
I love you, dad, and you will always be my #1 hero."

Diane Diles Hammond
Daughter of Staff Sgt. Curtis "Bud" Diles,
WWII USAF Veteran, shot down by the Germans
and rescued by General Draza Mihailovich
and his Serbian Chetnik forces in Nazi-occupied
Serbia in 1944.
September 10, 2016

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at


Sunday, September 11, 2016


Aleksandra's Note: Though this giant in Serbian 20th century history died on this day, September 11, in 1999 at the age of 92, just before we entered a new century, he has most definitely not been forgotten. His name still evokes that passionate, strong, and very real patriotism that will beat in the Chetnik heart forever.

Voyvoda Momchilo Djujich was born on February 27, 1907 in Kovačić, Knin, Kingdom of Dalmatia, Austria-Hungary and died in San Diego, California on September 11, 1999. In those 92 years, he became a Serbian legend. Commander of the Dinarska Chetnik Division under General Draza Mihailovich, Voyvoda Djujich distinguished himself both during and after the war as a hero and a patriot. Many Serbs survived WWII because of Voyvoda Djujich, and many were able to leave what was to become communist Yugoslavia and make new lives in the free world because of Voyvoda Djujich. They never forgot this, nor have their descendants.

Voyvoda Djujich remained true to his convictions until the day he died.

Memory Eternal.

Aleksandra Rebic
September 11, 2016


Father Uros Ocokoljic performing a blessing at the Voyvoda Djujich monument
in Chetnik Heroes Memorial Park at St. Sava Serbian Orthodox Monastery in Libertyville, IL during the General Mihailovich Memorial Service July 17, 2016 (1). Photo by Aleksandra Rebic.
Father Uros Ocokoljic performing a blessing at the Voyvoda Djujich monument
in Chetnik Heroes Memorial Park at St. Sava Serbian Orthodox Monastery in Libertyville, IL during the General Mihailovich Memorial Service July 17, 2016 (2). Photo by Aleksandra Rebic.

Father Uros Ocokoljic performing a blessing at the Voyvoda Djujich monument
in Chetnik Heroes Memorial Park at St. Sava Serbian Orthodox Monastery in Libertyville, IL during the General Mihailovich Memorial Service July 17, 2016 (3). Photo by Aleksandra Rebic.

The Voyvoda Djujich Monument in the Chetnik Heroes Memorial Park
at St. Sava Serbian Orthodox Monastery in Libertyville, IL
shortly after the monument was erected in June of 2007.
Photo by Aleksandra Rebic.
If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra,
please feel free to contact me at

Saturday, September 10, 2016


Helen Delich Bentley
Photo: U.S. Congress
Please join us for a Parastos (Panakhyda-Orthodox Christian Memorial Service) for former U.S. Congresswoman, +Helen Delich Bentley. This will be held on Saturday, September 24, 2016 at 3:00 PM at the Orthodox Church of St. Matthew, 7271 Eden Brook Drive, Columbia, MD 21046.

This will be followed by a dinner at the home of Michael Kosmas, 7309 Shady Glen Drive, Columbia, Maryland, 21046.

Phone: (410) 925-1150

Please RSVP to


You are invited to join us in raising funds to help in the restoration of the ancient Serbian Orthodox Monastery HILANDAR on Mount Athos, Greece, which is still recovering from a devastating fire in 2004. 100% of your donation will be used for the restoration of the ancient CELL OF THE TRANSFIGURATION, a short walk from Hilandar, dating back to at least the 13th Century...

 Hilandar, Serbian Orthodox Monastery on Mt. Athos in Greece
It was hard for me to believe that many of you haven't heard of the 40 day Parastos being organized in Maryland for our beloved former U.S. Congresswoman, Helen Delich Bentley. Please share with your relatives, friends, clergy, fellow parishioners, etc. this valuable information.

Very important...from Michael Kosmas:

Dear friends: I hope this finds each of you well. Apologies that it took me a bit of time to finalize and send this information to you, but I wanted to have the precise details for our memorial project for Helen included in the attached invitation.

As you may already know, we are having a Memorial Service (Parastos/Panakhyda) for Helen at the Orthodox Church of Saint Matthew in Columbia, Maryland on Saturday, September 24, 2016 at 3 pm. All of the details are in the attached invitation. Everyone is invited to my home afterwards for dinner. I would be most appreciative if each of you would help me get this information to everyone in the Serbian-American community who would like to be with us for this special day, everyone is welcome and I would very much like to give Helen the farewell that she so richly deserves from all of us who loved her so dearly.

I also wanted to find a significant and lasting memorial project to honor Helen. Although it is hard to compete with the Governor of Maryland and the “Helen Delich Bentley Port of Baltimore” I believe that I have found a project that is also very significant. After many consultations with Abbot Methodios of Hilandar, Metropolitan Kallistos of Diokleia and the representatives of the Serbian people on the Holy Mountain, in Helen’s memory we are going to restore the ancient Cell of the Transfiguration, a short walk from Hilandar. This Cell dates back to at least the 13th century and was the home of the Serbian monk Domentijan when he wrote his famous hagiography of Saint Sava in the middle of the 13th century. In modern times it has fallen into disrepair and is not habitable, but the fathers of Hilandar would like to restore this ancient site for prayer and habitation by Serbian Orthodox monks.

Please do not hesitate to be in touch with me with any questions and again please feel free to share this with all of the Serbian-American people who may be able to join us and/or help with our memorial project for Helen.

Best regards,

Michael Kosmas

Phone: (410) 925-1150


If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at


Friday, September 09, 2016

СЛС: Београд треба да добије Улицу Југословенске Војске у Отаџбини / "Факти" Sept. 5, 2016

Sept. 5, 2016

Београд треба да добије Улицу Југословенске Војске у Отаџбини


СКУПШТИНСКОМ одлуком изједначена су и проглашена за антифашистичка оба покрета (партизански и равногорски)  учесника рата 1941-45. Тиме су стечени правни услови да се једној београдској улици додели име Југословенске Војске у Отаџбини.

Српски либерални савет је небројено пута у протеклих неколико година узалудно подносио захтев да једна улица у Београду добије име по  равногорском покрету односно Југословенској Војсци у Отаџбини.

Сматрамо да овај захтев није из чисто идеолошких побуда него да се на тај исправља велика историјска и морална неправда према покрету и многобројним припадницима ЈВуО који су током рата и у времену послератне
комунистичке репресије положили своје животе за српско  друштво и Отаџбину.

Доделом имена једној београдској улици данашње српско друштво, растерећено вишедеценијског идеолошког једноумља, добија прилику да се достојно одужи хиљадама српских страдалника.

(генерални секретар Српског либералног савета Александар Недић)


If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at


Wednesday, September 07, 2016


St. Sava Serbian Orthodox Cathedral
Milwaukee, Wisconsin
3201 S. 51ST STREET
FRIDAY, SEPT. 23 - SUNDAY, SEPT. 25, 2016
FRIDAY, SEPT. 23, 2016
8:00 P.M. - 12 MIDNIGHT
SATURDAY, SEPT. 24, 2016
11:00 A.M. - 12 MIDNIGHT
Parastos, Blessing of Cika Draza's Monument, Kraljevo Kolo, Group photo, Picnic with music and dancing, and 1st Annual Bocce Ball Tournament.
SUNDAY, SEPT. 25, 2016
11:00 A.M. onward.
Picnic with music and dancing.
If you would like to volunteer,
please contact Pero at (414) 316-8847
Donations to the Reunion can be sent to:
Pero Momich
4931 S. 35th Street
Greenfield, WI 53221
If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra,
please feel free to contact me at

Sunday, September 04, 2016

VIDEO / INTERVJU: Miloslav Samardžić - Draža Mihailović nije bio izdajnik i saradnik okupatora! (19.08.2016) / "Balkan Info" August 19, 2016

Miloslav Samardžić
INTERVJU: Miloslav Samardžić - Draža Mihailović nije bio izdajnik i saradnik okupatora! (19.08.2016)

Posted on You Tube by:


If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at


Thursday, September 01, 2016

GOLGOTA DINARSKE DIVIZIJE / Autor: Vojin Malešević, Nacionalni Povjerenik 1. Ličkog korpusa

Autor: Vojin Malešević, Nacionalni Povjerenik 1. Ličkog korpusa
Pri povlačenju četnika kroz srpsku golgotu ostaci četničke brigade Kistanja i Đevrsaka a po naređenju komandanta Dinarske četničke divizije Momčila Đujića, iz Kričaka upućeni su na istureni položaj u Lozovac kod Šibenika,kao predstraža, kako bi se spriječilo dalje partizansko napredovanje prema slobodnoj četničkoj teritoriji. U Lozovcu su zatekli odred Bogdana Ivića i tri brigade - skradinsku, kotarsku i smiljčićsku koje su se povukle iz Ravnijeh kotara i Skradina usljed jakih partizanskih napada. Sve četničke jedinice bile su smiještene u tvornicu aluminijuma gdje je bilo mjesta za sve. Kad su srbi iz sela Konjevrata saznali da 26 tenkovska partizanska divizija, koju su Englezi i Italijani naoružali najboljim tenkovima, kreće na Lozovac kako bi napali i uništili četničke snage u Lozovcu da ne bi četnici stradali poslali su dvije cure - Srpkinje, da obavjeste četnike o napadu i da se odmah povuku iz Lozovca,jer da sutra može biti kasno.Čim je to čuo komandant korpusa major Vasiljević i Bogdan Ivić odmah krenu za Kosovo da o tome izvjeste komandanta divizije Momčila Đujića. Đujić nije povjerovao jer je smatrao da se radi o komunističkoj propagandi te naredi da četnici ostanu i dalje kao predstraža u Lozovcu.Major se Vasiljević usprotivio Đujićevom naređenju i zbog toga dođe do prepirke između Đujića i Vasiljevića. Đujić odmah ukloni Vasiljevića sa komandnog položaja, a mjesto njega postavi kapetana Tonkovića, koji je potajno održavao vezu sa partizanima. Major Vasiljević se nađe uvrjeđen te napusti diviziju sa četiri četnika, Ardalić, Dimitrijević, Šarić i Cvijetaić krenu za Bosnu sa namjerom da odu kod Draže Mihailovića. Na putu ih uhvate ustaše te ih sve pokolju.
Bogdan Ivić bez svađe odluči da ne prizna Đujićevo naređenje te mu reče: "Moja je dužnost da sačuvam moje ljude sa kojima sam četiri godine u borbi protiv ustaša i partizana" nakon čega ode u Lozovac sa svojim četničkim odredom i povuče se odatle isti dan.Sutradan 30 oktobra 1944 u prvi suton 26. partizanska tenkovska divizija opkolila je četnike u tvornici aluminijuma u Lozovcu sa svih strana i stade tući tenkovima. Četnici sa puškama i mitraljezima niti su mogli da se brane niti su mogli da probiju tenkovski obruč i zato je Lozovac bio grobnica Drugog Dalmatinskog Četničkog korpusa. Tu je izginula srpska omladina Ravnih Kotara, Bukovice i Skradina. Pod okriljem noći spasio se samo jedan mali broj četnika. Zarobljene četnike su komunisti povješali po raznim dalmatinskim mjestima. Jedino komandantu korpusa aktivnom kapetanu Tonkoviću se ništa nije dogodilo budući da je kokardu zamjenio crvenom petokrakom.
To je prva i najveća tragedija Dinarske četničke divizije kao posljedica izdaje nevjernih saveznika i Đujićeve tvrdoglavosti po kojoj je trebalo ostati u Lozovcu do njegovog naređenja. Izdaja je teška i užasna nju narod srpski kletvom proklinje a i Bog izdajniku nikad dužan ne ostaje.
Poslije Lozovca parrtizani su napali Kosovo sa istom tenkovskom divizijom. Četnici su se sa Kosova povukli u brdovite krajeve u okolini Knina gdje su krvave borbe bile između  partizana i četnika cijeloga novembra mjeseca 1944.
Pred suton sedmoga novembra komanda divizije izda naredbu da se svi četnici iste večeri koncentrišu u selu Golubiću odakle bi se krenulo u pravcu Bosne. Oko devet sati uveče stignem u Golubić sa igumanom Kalikom sa još deset četnika odsjednemo u kući jednoga seljaka, koji je bio za partizane. Oko tri ujutro duže se iguman Kalik probudi nas sve i predloži da odmah krenemo na željezničku stanicu  gdje je bilo četničkih jedinica. Čim je Kalik bio gotov uze pušku i svoje stvari i napusti partizansku kuću, a mi ostali se brzo spremimo i krenemo za njim prema željezničkoj stanici.
Vrijeme je bilo dosta rđavo, crni su oblaci prekrili plavo nebo iz koga je padala sitna kiša a vjetar je jako duvao. Iako je noć bila oblačna mjesečina se probijala kroz oblake. Nismo odmakli od kuće više od trista metara kad se čuo prasak eksplozije. U kuću u kojoj smo zanoćili partizani su bacili nekoliko bombi i zapalili je, jer su mislili da se nalazimo u njoj. Sigurno nas je netko otkrio i prijavio partizanima i da smo ostali svi bismo od reda izginuli.Proviđenje Božje i pronicljivost igumana Kalika bilo nam je u pomoći. Lijepo kaže naš narod srpski nema smrti bez suđena dana.
U blizini te kuće bila je Vrlička četnička brigada koja je odmah stupila u borbu protiv partizana koji su učestvovali u napadu.Borba je trajala nekoliko sati kada su se partizani povukli usljed većih gubitaka. U  zgradi željezničke stanice bilo je nekoliko engleskih i američkih oficira koje su četnici spasili nakon pada njihovih aviona. Pozvao sam te oficire  da posmatraju borbu. Jedan engleski oficir govorio je dobro italijanski tako da sam mu rekao "Pazite tko vodi borbu i tko se bori jer će sutra radio stanice  iz Londona javiti da su se partizani borili protiv četnika i nemaca kako bi što više kompromitovali četnike pred svijetskom javnosti" i stvarno radio stanica iz Londona tako je javila po želji komunista.
Autor teksta je Vojin Malešević Nacionalni Povjerenik 1. Ličkog korpusa, učitelj, član staba Dinarske četničke divizije. Vojin je preminuo u Clevelandu, SAD, 1984, sahranjen je pored crkve Sveti Sava.
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